During his five-plus years as a politician and president before Jan. 6, 2021, Donald Trump repeatedly and suggestively alluded to the prospect of violence by his supporters. Then it happened. Those supporters took the hint and stormed the U.S. Capitol, intent on overturning a democratic election on the basis of false claims that it had been stolen from them.
Despite it all, nearly 10 months after Jan. 6, suggestions of legitimized violence continue to permeate the GOP and the conservative movement. Trump has faded into the background somewhat, thanks to his bans from social media and his being out of office, but others have gladly picked up the torch, with almost no pushback from their party leadership.
The most recent example involves Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), who this week suggested that the attack on the Capitol actually was in line with the Declaration of Independence. She claimed that violence at demonstrations for racial justice was worse, “whereas January 6th was just a riot at the Capitol. And if you think about what our Declaration of Independence says, it says to overthrow tyrants.”
Greene’s comment reflects how some Republicans spoke about Jan. 6 beforehand. As The Post reported at the time, several Republicans had compared the situation to 1776 and otherwise had suggested a need for violence. These were not allusions to peaceful efforts to overturn an election; they were about armed revolution.
But although the fervor understandably died down for a while, you needn’t look far to see this kind of rhetoric continuing to rear its ugly head. Trumpian allusions to the prospect and even need for political violence and a 1776-esque revolution are coming up with increasing frequency.
This last one is instructive. Did Carlson say people should revolt? Not explicitly. Instead, he suggestively held it out there as an eventuality that might arrive if our leaders don’t do the right things. In this case, it was on Afghanistan. In most of the other cases, it was the myth of stolen elections.
It’s the same trick Trump used. He at times specifically legitimized violence by his supporters, but he mostly held it out there as a prospect — something perhaps to be avoided. It gave him the plausible deniability he and his defenders flogged throughout his presidency. He wasn’t actually endorsing this; he was just throwing it out there as something some other people might do.
The problem is that this prospect was wielded with such frequency that it was almost impossible to dismiss it as anything other than an intentionally implied threat. And extreme supporters have a way of taking the hint, which many Capitol rioters say they did from Trump’s violent rhetoric. They said they believed they were doing what Trump wanted.
Republicans are fond of combating such charges by citing rhetoric from the likes of Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) urging liberals to get confrontational. But there is no comparison between the scale of this kind of rhetoric between the two sides.
There’s simply a bigger tinderbox beneath that GOP right now, not just because of that gap, but because of the widespread belief that such drastic circumstances have indeed arrived — that an election was indeed stolen and that democracy is not being protected. While we should never oversell anecdotes, we probably shouldn’t be indifferent when an activist earnestly asks a leader of the young conservative movement in public, as one did this week, “When do we get to use the guns?”
Despite the lessons of Jan. 6, key members of the conservative movement are still wandering around that tinderbox with lit matches, with nary a fire extinguisher to be found.